Robin Hood search for the Truth | Robin Hood Places | Hood surname statistics | Robin Hood of Wakefield | Robert Hood of Newton | The Pinder of Wakefield | Marian | Friars | Loxley and 'Huntington' | Myriads of Robin Hoods | Ballads of Robin Hood | Kirklees | The Armytages of Kirklees | Little John | Roger De Doncaster | The Penurious Knyght | Our Comly King | Shire Reeve | Priory of Kirklees | Wakefield Rolls | Saylis of the Geste- a new site | Robert III Butler of Skelbrooke | Barnsdale and the Geste | De Lacis of Pontefract | Alice De Laci and John of Gaunt | Barnsdale Gallery | Stephen II Le Waleys a suspected compiler of the Geste
|
~Barnsdale and an Origin
for the Geste ~ 'Robyn stode in Bernesdale' - A Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode 'My name is Robyn Hood of Barnesdale' - Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne. 'The wooddi and famous forest of Barnesdale, wher they say Robyn Hudde lyvid like an outlaw' - John Leyland's Collectanea, Itinerary c. 1540. Looking in the time of Roger de Laci we find a family living at Skelbrooke manor called Butler. Their pedigree provides a vertical column of detail, over a sustained time in a fixed geographic area which came to be known by travellers of the Great North Road as 'Barnsdale'. They are probably descended from Herewig [Hervey or Herveus] who held lands in Skelbrooke in D.B from Ilbert de Laci and lands at Great and Little Haseley and three other manors in Oxfordshire from Odo the Bishop of Bayeaux. These latter properties became part of the De Laci fee after Odo's banishment. From Herewig probably descended Thomas de Armthorpe [nr. Doncaster] born ~ 1125. According to a analysis of the genealogy by W.P. Baildon [1926], Thomas produced two sons : 1. Alan born ~ 1150 d. by 1202 2. Robert d. by 1202 According to Baildon, Alan's son was Hugh Pincerna [i.e. Butler] of Skelbrooke, Armthorpe and [Parva or Kirk] Sandal. He was born about 1175 and was of age in 1202. According to Holmes he had tenure of office as seneschal/butler 1211 to 1216. This person is believed to have been the butler to the De Lacis of Pontefract during the first five years of John II de Laci, Constable of Chester's time. He is described by Holmes for the year 1216 as the "aged Hugh Butler, seneschal of Pontefract." [although the Pontefract Chartulary is much devoid of dateable charters so this is suspect]. From
Joseph
Hunter in
his South
Yorkshire,
p. 457,
Theobald
Butler,
Henry II's
butler in
Ireland
was a
grandson
of Hervey.
As such
this would
connect
the Irish
Butler
family to
that of
the
Butlers of
Skelbrooke.
Also
see
Barnsdale
Gallery.
Hugh Pincerna#
[Le Boteler or Butler] =============Avice
de Savile
John de Armthorpe
* A descendant of Alfred
The Great, King of England ---------> During Alan's [son of Thomas de Armthorpe d. by 1202] time and before Hugh's stewardship a 'Roger de Scelboc' is known to have departed Skelbrooke in the De Laci lands and become a vassal knight of Duncan, son of Gilbert of Galloway*. It would appear that this Roger was either a member of the Butler family of Skelbrooke [e.g. Alan's brother] or had married into it for we find the lands of Herewig in the hands of a William de Scalebroc [probably the William in the above genealogy, son of Hugh Pincerna] in Henry III's time which were by then a parcel of the De Laci lands. *And probably also for Gilbert of Galloway. Gilbert of Galloway had his brother Uchtred murdered in order to gain control of Galloway. This murder set the stage for Uchtred's son Roland of Galloway to oust Duncan in battle on 5th July 1185. Whilst this was occurring, Henri Curtmantle was pleased to see William the Lyon, then King of Scotland, being otherwise engaged in his own country instead of trying to regain the three northern English counties lost by his brother, Malcolm IV. Henri had been encouraging this approach since he released King William from Falaise Castle in 1175, when the Galwegians again, as in 1160 under Malcolm, revolted and even Hugh de Morville, Constable of Scotland had to abandon his lands here at this time when every Anglo-Norman the Galwegians could find was killed. Now Roger de Laci's daughter who died in 1209 [name not known, perhaps Helen or Alice, sister of John Constable of Chester later, earl of Lincoln] is referred to by Stringer as having married Alan of Galloway. Alan was the son of Roland. This indicates that the De Laci's were trying to make cross-border ties and were very familiar with the Lords of Galloway. We might ask what was a knight, probably a member of the Butlers of Skelbrooke, strongly associated with the De Laci household, doing in Galloway assisting Duncan? Duncan's line eventually lost Galloway whilst later the De Lacis tried to develop this connection with the Pictish enclave through marriage to Duncan's opposing Galwegian line in Alan of Galloway [his first or second marriage with no issue]. In 1186 Roger de Scalebroc is recorded as having built a ring structured castle at Greenan west of Ayr which was then in Northern Galloway. Duncan was defeated in 1186, and presumably so was his tenant and vassal Roger de Scelbroc. Duncan made peace, renouncing claims to Southern Galloway and was awarded the earldom and lordship of Carrick [the northern part of Galloway, i.e. basically Ayrshire]. His descendant Marjorie of Carrick married Robert VI Bruce who produced King Robert Bruce. Roger may have had a daughter, Maria [Marie] de Scalebroc who married Henry Livingston of Livingstoun What was going on here between Galloway and the De Lacis? Was king Henry trying to encourage bonds with Galloway to undermine the Scots under William The Lyon? The answer would have to be a resounding yes, for these cross-border marriages were a regular strategy of the Norman kings to reduce the chances of the Scots massing into Northern England. How does this relate to our investigation of who we think Robin Hood was? If Robin was resident in Barnsdale in the 1180's he could very easily have been drawn to Roger de Skelbrooke's cause, to fight for the Pictish Galwegians against the Scots, William the Lion and David earl of Huntingdon and all their progeny. This would suit Robin's cause as well as that of Roger de Skelbrooke's, Robert Le Waleys [a Galwegian descendant], Roger de Laci's and King Henry's. Does this help to explain why we have reports of Robin Hood in Cumberland*, the English county adjacent to Southern Galloway, his appearance in references to Carlisle and Inglewood? Was Galloway an early exploit before he was declared an outlaw in the 1190's? *Written by the Scotsman Andrew de Wyntoun, a cannon of St. Andrew's and prior of St. Serf's Inch on Loch Leven. He wrote under the patronage of Sir John Macduff of Wemyss 3rd earl of Fife [d. 1428] who moved his residence from 'Macduff's Castle' to West Wemyss, Fife. John Fordun continued de Wyntoun's work in the 1440's. Mentions that R.H. and Little John had been outlaws in Inglewood and Barnsdale c. 1283. De Wyntoun was the only writer to mention Inglewood, which is in Cumberland. Associations with A Lyttel Geste of Robyn Hode In addition, our columnar history of the Butler family of Skelbrooke exhibits elements found in the narrative A Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode. We have a small church or chapel built here in the 1100's which associates itself with Robin Hood's wish to return to Barnsdale to build a chapel [he has helped the Butlers to build?] dedicated to St. Mary Magdalene. The author of the Geste clearly had in mind Monk Bretton Priory near Barnsley, which was dedicated to Mary Magdalene. I made a chapell in Bernysdale That semely is to see It is of Mary Magdaleyne And thereto wolde I be - Geste D text
We should recognise that the Archbishop of York at the time of Robert III Butler's torture [d.1294] was in fact John Le Romeyn [elected 29th
October 1285, tenure 1286-1296]
a natural son of John Le Romeyn the elder, treasurer
of York. It was during the later1200's
that Kirklees nunnery, which was under the control
of its mother house at Rievaulx, first
came under the control of the Archbishop of
York and thence until the dissolution. At this time
there were rumours of fraternisation with the
laity and as a consequence, a concern for the spiritual
health of the nuns was raised. It is recorded
for 1287 that Le Romeyn asked the prior of St. Oswald's
of Oswaldkirk to visit Kirklees nunnery where
he was required to hear the confessions of the
nuns and ensure that they were leading worthy lives.
If Robert was tortured under John Le Romeyn's
authority then in some way the prioress in waiting,
Margaret de Savile, who by the time the
Geste was composed, was the prioress
of Kirklees, became connected by association. She was
also connected to Sir John de Eland [d. 1253],
the cruel seneschal of a dissolute master, John de Warrene earl of Surrey, Lord of the Wakefield Manor.
This man was at the forefront of the 'Elland Feud'
a running sore between two contiguous manors, Wakefield
and Pontefract. This feud may have appeared as long ago
as Hugh Pincerna's time when in 1303, it is recorded that
'Simon de Wakefeld complained about Hugh Le Butiler [Pincerna]
of Skelbroke and William de Wakefeld [Simon's relative?]
for assaulting him at York on Tuesday after the
close of Easter, 30 Edw. I [1302]. They denied it.
The jury found that Hugh did beat and wound Simon, by order
(per preceptum) of the said William, and assessed
the damages at £40 '.
Above all other
similarities with the narrative
of the Geste
in Barnsdale is the case of
the above Robert III
Butler of Skelbrooke [d.1294], the
pebble in the millpond, who appears
as an alleged criminal of the
worst type. No alias here, just athief, robber, rapist and murderer, at least those are allegations levelled. In Robert Butler's gaol* delivery record for 1293 we find "William the man of William del Sayles living in Skelbrooke...." this has undoubted associations with Saylis of the Geste, a place we recognise here as Sales Wood in the valley of the Skell. The similarity of the name Robert with the diminutive Robin, cannot be misconstrued by anyone who has heard the Robin Hood tales. * The gaol in the "Wapentake of Osgoldcross", Liberty of Pontefract, may have been at Pontefract Castle where the dungeons of the castle keep can still be found. Robert III Butler's brother, Edmund [possibly murdered 1333-4] was the seneschal of Pontefract castle during Henry de Laci's lifetime [d. 1311] and may well have had a hand in the capture of his brother. Micklegate, York, about 1855
Alice daughter of Henry [d.1311] de Laci of Pontefract would have been about 11 or 12 years of age in 1296 two years after her marriage to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, the question which may arise is: Was Alice de Laci living in an upper level of Pontefract keep whilst Robert Butler was incarcerated below in the dungeons? Edmund Le Botillier, Lord of Skelbrooke, younger brother of Robert III Butler was Henry de Laci's steward [Fr: seneschal] and may have later been steward for Thomas Earl of Lancaster and Alice de Laci, for Edmund did not die until 1333.
Robert Butler
would not plead and although
he provided the court
with names of accomplices,* his lack
of plea led the court to dispense
with him by an extreme form of punishment
intended to extract such a plea,
la peine forte et dure
['strong and hard punishment'] or
basically pressing, often to death with
as much force as could be applied. This
method was introduced under Edward
I's Chancellor, who was also a churchman and was
also used during Edward I's reign upon William
Wallace, the Scots thorn in the Anglo-Norman heel.
At least Robert Butler and William Wallace had one
thing in common but William was not Robert as
some have speculated. Such a form of torture was
not abolished in Britain until 1772 following
the last case to employ such a method at the Cambridge
Assizes of 1741."He was stripped, laid on his back on the bare ground, and as much iron and weights as he could bear, et plus, were placed on him, so that he could not rise; he was given to eat of the worst bread that could be found, and to drink of the water nearest to the gaol, except running water; he had nothing to drink on the day that he ate, and nothing to eat on the day that he drank. This was kept up until he either pleaded or died. The object of the prisoner was to avoid forfeiture, which followed on a conviction for felony; by refusing to plead, he could not be tried, and consequently could not be convicted."-W.P. Baildon [1929] * These 22 who indicate a large network of criminals as accomplices and receivers in the Barnsdale area are provided by Dr. David Hepworth : Alice Hotty of Skelagh [Skellow] and her sister Matilda, Colle of Burgh Walleys [Burghwallis] the man of Richard Tyes [Le Tyas probably after Farnley Tyas although Richard is also known to have held land in Burghwallis and Skellow in 1284 and 1319], Thomas son of Sybil of Skelagh [Skellow], William the man of William del Sayles living in Skelbrook, John son of Sen' of Doncaster, Thomas chaplain of Skelagh [Skellow] formerly living at Doncaster, William Luggeto sergeant of Armethorp [this is one of the Butler families earliest estates, east of Doncaster], Adam le Waleys [Wallace] of Skelagh [Skellow], Geoffrey le Mouner [Miller] of Skelbrook, Adam Alman, Benedict son of Thomas of Slepyl [Sleephill] living at Kekelton [?Kirkheaton], William son of Stephen of Burgh Waleys [this may be an unknown son of Sir Stephen Le Waleys], Robin son of Walter Walschef of Elmsale [Elmshall], William Smith of Leicester and his wife, John Skyllare of Lancaster, William Curry of Tickhill, John the Goldsmith of Doncaster, Robert le Mouner [Miller] of Paynel Hoton [Hooton Pagnell] and William Maureward. It is noteworthy that a cleric, the chaplain of Skellow is included, perhaps a prelude to the introduction of 'Friar Tuck' in much later ballads. The name Robin makes its appearance at this time and place in Robin 'Walschef' probably of Elmshall [Robin was a diminutive of Robert more common in the 1200's, according to Dobson and Taylor than Robert]. The reference to a goldsmith indicates the direction any contraband gold would have travelled and this destination appears to be Doncaster rather than Pontefract. The place-names provide us with the geographical distribution of the persons involved. 'Walter Walschef of Elshale' would have been 'a man of' John de Wentworth of Elmshall who married Joan daughter of Richard Le Tyas of Burghwallis who is mentioned above in relation to 'Colle of Burgh Walleys the man of Richard Tyas'. Richard Tyas married one of two heiresses of Tankersley, Alice de Tankersley and thereby gained part of the Tankersley estates along with Hugh de Eland who married the other heiress Joan. Joan Tankersley's marriage to the High Steward of Wakefield the manor and High Sheriff of Yorkshire, Sir John de Eland made him the nephew of Alice de Tankersley. This Alice de Tankersley who married Richard Tyas of Burgh Wallis had a daughter Joan who married John de Wentworth of Elmshall, this appears to be a close network of local landowners and their criminal subculture. Is this the band of outlaws which provided the compiler of the Geste with further inspiration for the original ballad, at least the earlier fyttes, of Robin Hood? Robert III Butler claimed some immunity from the king's civil courts as a clerk of the Church. According to court records Robert possessed no chattels, he admitted his guilt, ostensibly outside the court, and allegedly under torture whilst in custody. However, the custodian denied, under oath, that any torture had occurred. Robert Butler would have succeed to his father's lands at Skelbrooke if he had not been convicted, but if he were to plead, be tried and convicted then he and his heirs would lose the claim to his father's lands [dispossession]. The justices ordered the sheriff of the time to take Robert back to prison. A priest pleaded for Robert as a member of the clergy, the justices handed Robert to the Archbishop of York for trial by ordeal [pressing]. Again similarities arise, for the court that dispensed the punishment was an ecclesiastical court at York. This may remind us of the abbot of St. Mary's court at York who was visited by Sir Richard at the Lee and perhaps the York county assizes where historically a Rob. Hode was declared a fugitive in 1230.3 Ostensibly, Robert Butler was killed in 1294 by the method of 'pressing', but his trial is exactly 100 years after John Major claimed that Robin Hood had been outlawed [1193-4]. Hunter gave Robin Hood's age at his death as 77 years, subtraction from the oft quoted death date of 1347 that provides a birth year of about 1270, approximating to that of Robert Le Botiller of ~1275 [according to Baildon] whose parents married ~ 1269. If there were folk tales about shortly after the death of Robert III Butler then there would have been 25 years or less in which to name Robin Crosse* in Derbyshire and 150 years or less, plenty of time, to name Robin Hood's Stone in the Skell valley [first recorded 1422]. *Three miles S.W. of Hathersage, a medieval wayside cross on the moors, one mile east of Bradwell in Hazlebadge parish. The base of the cross was still extant in the 1970's and recorded as 'Robin Crosse' in 1399. Later this became known as 'Robin Hood's Cross'. How could Robert Butler become known as 'Robyn Hode'? There had already been a number of miscreants with a similar name. Robert Hode of the York Assizes of 1225 for example. Between 30 Edward I [1302] and 10 Edward III [1336] a period of less than forty years, there were no less than six 'Robyn Hodes' identified by Childs such as Robert Hood of Bitchill, Wakefield [1316], originally noted by Hunter, Robert Robyn Houd of Hastings, Sussex [1332], Robyn Hode, one of Edward II's valets de chambre* [1324], also noted by Hunter and Robert Hod a common councillor for Vintry Ward, London [1325]. These may all have been legitimate names rather than epithets. By 1400 a manuscript from Lincoln Cathedral had wriiten on it 'Robyn hod in Scherewod, stode' which mimics the Geste ['Robyn stode in Bernesdale'] which in turn seems mimiced by a legal maxim which appeared in the English court of 1429 'Robin Hode en Barnsdale stode'. His name seems to come entirely from the Geste so popular was its movement through the halls and fairs of England and Scotland.*Hunter's account [1852] of a Robyn Hode as one of the King Edward II's hirelings centred upon a correlation with Robert Hood, who lived in Wakefield, with the person 'Robyn Hode' mentioned in the king's accounts. Hunter's researches indicated that this person was in the King's service from March 1324 to November 1324. However subsequent ultraviolet analysis of the account documents showed that Robyn Hode was in the King's service in July 1323 which is before the King travelled North.16 The Sheriff of Yorkshire was John de Meux in 1292 and 1293 but just prior to Meux the sheriff of Yorkshire for six years had been Gervase de Clifton [tenure 1286-1292] . We also find that a Sir Gervase Clifton was a Sheriff of Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire in 1279 and 1290, this would obviate the removal of any barrier to the sheriff of Nottingham and Derbyshires operating in Yorkshire. Is this the sheriff that Robyn [actuality the compiler] reminds his band of men to keep high in their minds? The compiler of the Geste could have been writing about a Sir Gervase de Clifton [d.1377] who was the sheriff of Nottingham in 1345, the similarity of name and descendancy would not have gone amiss. A Sheriff of Nottinghamshire who followed the tenure of Gervase [d.1377] was John Walleys [1350] who may have been a descendant of the Le Waleys of Burghwallis. Much later a Gervase Clifton 1st baronet of Hodsock [b.1581] is recognised here as being a great influence in popularising the Robin Hood-Nottingham connection. Hodsock is just over the county boundary in Nottinghamshire and was visited by Henry VIII with his wife Queen Katherine [Howard]. Katherine had a short tenure as queen as a result of her dalliances whilst on Henry's perambulation of the North. This royal progress evolved after the 'Pilgrimage of Grace' when Catholics in the north revolted but were crushed after Henry broke his vow. Hodsock was granted originally by Roger de Busli to his kinsman Torald de Lizours whilst Torald's likely brother, Fulk de Lizours was granted Sprotborough. Sprotborough then descended to the FitzWilliams when Sir William FitzWilliam de Clairfait, Lord of Emley and Hampole advantageously married Albreda [Aubrey] de Lizours. We also find that the Butlers held lands at Scawsby adjacent to Sprotbrough lands [FitzWilliam country] where Scawsby Lees, like the Butler's Skelbrooke lands, straddled the old Roman Ridge, and which further north becomes 'Watling Strete' through 'Barnsdale'. To the N.E. probably still in the Butler lands stands a motte and bailey , 'Castle Hills' which could conceivably have been a residence of the Butler family. .
Key : ..... Lands belonging to the Butlers ..... Lands belonging to the FitzWilliams Upon these lands at Scawsby Lees on the 26th October 1536 Robert Aske with 30,000 troops camped during the rebellion against Henry VIII's repressive regime led by the Duke of Norfolk. Were the troops, 'the flower of the North' aware of the significance of this site as they faced Henry's troops across the rapidly flooding River Don.? If so, how much would tales of Robin Hood be regaled around the troop's camp fires. It is also interesting to note that Katherine Howard prior to Henry's travels north instigated an archery match at Finsbury Circus outside the London city walls.7 Sir Gervase of Hodsock ['Gentle Sir Gervase' b.1516, grandfather of the 1st baronet] played the part of the Sheriff of Nottingham. Was it here a member of the Stanhopes played 'Little John' which gave rise to the story attached to 'Little John's bow' which used to hang at Hathersage and then Cawthorne Hall, South Yorkshire? Gervase Clifton 1st baronet was somewhat of a serial groom for he married seven times. The first was to Penelope Rich of the Wakefield Manor [wherein lies Kirklees priory] the seventh and last was to Alice Hastings, daughter of the 5th earl of Huntingdon which honour Henry VIII had revived in George Hastings. Both these marriages provide strings with which to draw some of the other stories together. We find similarities between the Butlers of Skelbrooke and the Paston's of Norfolk. Sir John Paston's letter to his brother William Paston dated 16th April 1473 states that John's servant had deserted him 'to pleye Seynt Jorge and Robyn Hode and the Shryff of Nottingham' and had 'goon to Bernysdale'.15 The Paston's were patrons of minstrels and balladeers, albeit the letter was written about one hundred and eighty years after Robert Butler's death. Recent findings indicate that the copy of Robin Hood and the Potter in Cambridge University Library, another early ballad, belonged to John Paston's bailliff, Richard Calle. A complex set of circumstances surrounds the family and its involvement as patrons to the art of minstrelsy and balladry. What could a ballad-muse/minstrel in Skelbrooke/Burghwallis not do with this story of Robert Butler! A story of a man perhaps nineteen to twenty-one years old, ostensibly from a well connected family in Barnsdale, who at the end of the 1200's was made to look a criminal to all and sundry. He certainly appears from the list of his accomplices names to be of a higher social status and thus may have been respected as a leader.Would it not be a literary incongruity to paint a robber from a landed family as a friend to all yeomen and knights but an enemy of the clerics and sheriff. A man who would be hero, a man who would be moulded in the image of a local robber who had perhaps lived a hundred years before in the same geographic location. This sounds like cunning literature, for which the English have become well known. A tongue in cheek approach, irony and paradox rollicking together, some elements of truth, some of fiction, but above all a roaring good tale told by the fireside in a lord's hall with a pint of ale; the primeval beginnings of the Geste. Robbery seems to have been a favourite occupation in Barnsdale for a long time, even after the example the judiciary made of Robert Butler. Joseph Hunter showed that Barnsdale was rife with robbers in the last year of Edward I [1307]. The Bishop's of St. Andrews and Glasgow and the Abbot of Scone journeyed from Scotland to Winchester where on some sections of the journey [in southern England] they had no guard of archers; at others they had a guard of eight or twelve men but from Pontefract to Tickhill the guard was increased to twenty, the reason given was propter Barnsdale ['because of Barnsdale']. Twenty-two years later the situation was palpably unchanged when it was recorded in the C.P.R.24 for 23rd June 1329 at a Parliament at Rochester - 'Commission of oyer and terminer to John Travers, Thomas Deyvill*, and Adam de Hoperton on complaint by William de Felton that William Frere of Doncaster, William le Taverner of Doncaster, Thomas Frere, John Frere, Nicholas de Tykhull, Matilda de Clayton, John le Carter and others assaulted him at Skelbrook, co. York, and carried away his goods. By p.s.' *keeper of the contrariants property at Sandal etc.1322. In the Geste Little John notified Robin that the monk[s] waylaid in Barnsdale had fifty two men with them whereas Robin's band is described as numbering 'seven score [140] of whyte young men'. Was the instruction given by Robin to 'bete and bynde ... these bisshoppes and these archebishoppes' a salvo at the ecclesiastics, particularly of York after Robert III Butler's cruel death? If the monetary value of £ 800, given in the Geste is any guide to the amount of money taken from the monks on the road North, then this equates today to an amount of over £ 4 million, a not insubstantial sum13. If Robert Butler had been involved in the robbery of such wealth from the monks of St. Mary's, York then the Chuch and archbishop would have approached Robert's sentencing most severely. By 1333 Robert's brother, Edmund Butler, Lord of Skelbrooke had been murdered. The third brother, the last of the Butler male line,died in 1336. All that was left of this family in this year was Agnes Butler who appears to have had a chantry built into the chapel on the north side of the church in 1336. In this building is a window approximately dated to the mid 1300's, The window is a simple glass affair with the representation of a young man's face that stares dolefully out of a foliate background. Is this the face of the forest 'greenman' or the first representation of a Barnsdale robber imitating Robin Hood? The Wallaces of Burghwallis If we now turn our attention to the Wallaces [Le Waleys] of Burghwallis, the next village to Skelbrooke, in the honour of Pontefract, they seem related to the Wallaces of Ayrshire, one, Robert Le Waleys [Wallensis], as we have seen was a tandem sheriff of Yorkshire with Roger de Laci in King John's reign, so the links to Carrick/Galloway seem strong at this time within Barnsdale. Walter W. Skeat in his edition of English Dialects From the Eighth Century to the Present Day [e-book May 2005] gives as a heading in Chapter IV "Lowland Scotch [sic] identical with the Yorkshire dialect of Hampole." Here Skeat rediscovers the works of earlier writers relating to the dialects of Northumbria A.D. 1300-1400. Specifically Skeat is exhuming the works of the hermit Richard Rolle of Hampole, Barnsdale. Rolle wrote a poem about the year 1340 called The Pricke of Conscience.5 The language of this poem is very unlike the Geste although some have suggested, with little evidence that Rolle wrote the primal Geste. More than likely A Lyttel Geste of Robyn Hode and The Pricke of Conscience were later provided to the printer 'Wynken de Worde' in the same bundle of manuscripts from a source in Barnsdale, either Skelbrooke or Burghwallis Hall. In the1863 edition of a work by a Dr. Morris for the Philological Society there is an analysis made of the grammar :
The conclusions to this linguistic study clearly indicates that even by the 1300's the dialect used in the Barnsdale area was little different from that used in Northumberland and lowland Scotland. Dobson and Taylor ponder 'why the Robin Hood legend should have struck such deep roots north of the border' and add 'this has never been satisfactorily explained'. Was it that the title 'Earl of Huntington', included later in Munday's plays, was held as the earldom of Huntingdon by various Scottish kings or was it that there were links with Barnsdale and Ayrshire? Both seem plausible. Genealogy of the Le Waleys of Burghwallis and their Galwegian association Henry I le Waleys============Agnes* b~1133 Skellow | b~1135 | Robert le Waleys**=========Dionysia Poitevin [Wallensis] heiress of Burgh [Wallis], Skellow, Frickley & Hooten Pagnell b~1158 d.1218 | 1206-1211 Sheriff of Yorkshire | _________________________________________________________________ | | | Henry II ======Elizabeth Robert===? Elizabeth=====? dsp 1210 | de St. Mary µ succ. 1210 d.1247 neice of the abbot | of Kirkstall later abbot for Fountains | Abbey | Sir Richard I le Waleys+======Albreda FitzWilliam§ sister to Agnes FitzWilliam b. <1226 d.1272 | d.of Sir Thomas FitzWilliam of Elmley & Sprotbrough probable uncle to Robert III Butler descendant illegitimate line from | Henri Curtmantle's father Geoffrey of Anjou Sir Stephen I¤======Alice? Contemporaries of Robert III Butler of Skelbrooke. b~1245 | probable cousins to Robert III Butler | __________________________________ | | | Nicole Elizabeth====Sir William Sir Richard II ====<2===Eleanor===<1===Robert VI Bruce==2>==Marjorie of Nevile of Raby Wallace of b~ 1240 d1304 Carrick Burgh Wallace# | descendant of d 1301 | Duncan of Galloway | | Stephen II Le Waleys King Robert The Bruce b 1305 d 1347 Healaugh Priory. Key : * The name Agnes is French and is particularly popular in Ayrshire [originally part of Galloway] ** Gained Sibthorpe near Nottingham in the time of King John. µ Richard I Le Waleys' mother was Elizabeth de St. Mary, i.e. of St. Mary's, York. .She was the daughter of Jordan de St. Mary, who married Alice Haget sister to Ralph Haget Abbott of Fountains Abbey[1170-1190].
+ 1253
Sir Richard I Le Waleys was
appointed as the first rector
of Burghwallis Church [St. Helen's]
when Burgh was first recorded
as 'Burgh Wallis'. If we are looking
for an early compiler[s] of the
Geste then a
member of the Le Waleys family could be the
originator [s]. Stephen I Le Waleys[d
<1301] appears to be a first cousin of
Robert III Butler, a son of a knight &
rector who held Burghwallis manor, just as Robert III
Butler was a son of the owner of Skelbrooke
manor. We might reasonably speculate that Robert and
Stephen played together as children, in Skelbrooke and
Burghwallis as well as their grandparents lands at
Emley, Hampole and Sprotbrough. Sir Richard as a rector
of Burghwallis and probably his son, were learned men,
able to read and write in English and Latin. That Burghwallis
Church [St. Helen's] may always have had a minstrel
gallery also points in the direction of patronage
of minstrels. The compiler of the
Geste makes our hero a devout follower
of the church as we assume the family of a rector might
be. By his marriage, Sir Richard I was connected
to the FitzWilliams[an illegitimate descendancy
from Henry II's father, Geoffrey of Anjou] and from our
speculation here his wife Albreda was sister
of Agnes FitzWilliam who may be the Agnes who married
Robert II Butler of Skelbrooke. If this
is the case then Robert III Butler's grandparents
were the high profile FitzWilliam family residing
at Emley, near Midgley and
Sprotbrough castle whose woodlands,
Robert Butler would have known as a child
whilst visiting his grandparents, perhaps in companionship
with his cousin Stephen. If this filiation
and speculation holds true then Sir Richard I
Le Waleys would also have visited his parent in law's
manor at Emley, perhaps with his son and young nephew,
Robert at his side. § Sir Richard Le Waley's wife Albreda FitzWilliam had a marriage settlement dated 1250-1260. Albreda's great great grandmother was Albreda de Laci, ancestor of the Pontefract de Lacis. Her grandmother was Adela Plantagenet, daughter of Hamelyn Plantagenet, illegitimate half brother of Henry [II] Curtmantle, King of England. ¤ Sir Stephen I Le Waleys, it is speculated, was a cousin of Robert III Butler of Skelbrooke. We know that Sir Stephen was familiar with an Abbot of St. Mary's, York [Simon de Warwick in 1276] for their names appear along with Roger FitzThomas [of Woodhall], and William FitzThomas both Robert III Butler's uncles: ''Sir Roger fitzThomas [of Woodhall], witness (together with his brother Sir William) to grant of the manor of Langthwaite for life, dated at Langthwaite, 2 Ides of Mar 1276: Hugh de Langthewait, son and heir of Sir William de Langthewait, to Sir Robert de Eueringham,[Everingham] then rector of the church of Berkyn.[Birkin, E. Yorks.] The manor of Langthwaite with all appurtenances; all his land in Adwick le Street; all his land and rent in Doncaster between Chesewold Bridge and the mills bridge; all his land and rent in Wheatley; ½ mark annual rent in Sprotborough which is owed by Sir William fitzThomas. For term of life. Annual rent of 19s. 8d., of which 5s. 4d. to the chief lord of the fee, Peter de Mallo Lacu, 13s. 4d. to the Abbot of St. Mary's, York, 1s.[Simon de Warwick in 1276] to Sir Stephen le Waleis,[Stephen I Le Waleys] lord of Bourk[Burgh (Wallis)]; and suit of court to the Court of Sir Peter de Mallo Lacu at Doncaster. Witnesses: Sir William fitzThomas [aka FitzWilliam d. 1295], Sir John de Romundby, Sir Roger fitzThomas,[of Woodhall] Sir Richard de Romundby, kts., Sir William de Veyley, rector of Owston, Sir Henry de Normanton, Henry chaplain of Adwick le Street, Ralph de Langthewait, Thomas de Scauceby [Scawsby], William de Newesum, Henry de Rockeleye, Adam de Langthewait, Adam Maldut and many others. " - PRO, Sheffield Archives: Cooke of Wheatley Muniments, CWM/131[12] # Sir Richard married Robert VI Bruce's widow, Robert had stong links to the Wallaces of Ayrshire and secondly married the Countess of Carrick. Sir Richard II Le Waleys [Wallace] originally supported Thomas Earl of Lancaster against Edward II for in 1315 he was a member of an insurgent group who struck at supporters of the king in Lancashire, this was led by Adam Banastre and became known as the Banastre Rebellion. The Lane through Skelbrooke is called Bannister [Banastre] Lane . Later Sir Richard II Le Waleys also supported Thomas Earl of Lancaster in his attempt to overthrow Edward II. As a result of the earl's loss at the Battle of Boroughbridge, Sir Richard forfeited Burghwallis after 1322 for a while. Earl Thomas's lands were held from 1322 until 1327, this may give us some indication of the time that elapsed during which Richard had his lands confiscated.22 1322 was the year that Roi de Bruant, John Butler [Botiller], lost his holdings in Pontefract for also supporting Thomas. Both Robert le Waleys and Hugh Pincerna were contemporaries living on adjacent manors and held offices as consecutive seneschals of Pontefract. Their lands straddled 'Watling Street' in Barnsdale. In addition a decendant of Robert le Waleys, the sheriff in King John's reign, was the first marriage of Robert VI Bruce who later married Marjorie of Carrick [northern Galloway] who was the mother of King Robert The Bruce. There is no evidence as yet that Robert Butler took from the rich and gave to the poor. What sets Robyn aside from other outlaws in the Geste is his 'curtesye' but this appears to be a construct of the compiler later taken up by John Major [Mair] who added flesh to this solitary word from the ballad.:
'Equally unlikely, from the relationships provided here, is the period of our hero occurring in the reign of King John as suggested by Major 'Robertyus Hudus Anglus et Parvus Johannes'. This denial flies in the face of widely and commonly held beliefs which may need to be rectified. Dobson and Taylor [1972] remind us that Major derived his positive belief in Robyn Hode from 'songs which were told all over Britain'. Did Robert Butler plunder the abbots wealth as John Major suggested? One in particular, the bishop of Hereford? Here again we enter the grey area. There is little support for this other than a later ballad and folk tales. But the fact that Robert Butler was passed over to the ecclesiastical court at York indicates that, apart from being a clerk of the church perhaps under Richard Le Waleys, first rector of Burghwallis church, there was a serious score to settle. Certainly the church tortured Robert using a very recently devised method and for him there seems to have been little mercy. In reality what part, if any, did the prioress play in Robert's capture and why does she take such a defining part in the Geste? The speculation may revolve about the prioress representing the Church at York or just as plausibly this part of the Geste was added later, along with Robyn's exploits in Nottingham. There is little doubt that the pervading tenor of the Geste is anti-monasterial. There are two possible reasons why the Geste and later ballads were so popular, why the pebble in the millpond created such a huge wave. One is that the person they were based upon was a larger than life character as is often displayed in modern entertainment, or alternatively, and probably more realistically, he was an ordinary man-boy of whom larger than life things were written. There is little doubt that the Geste and later ballads gave ridiculously exaggerated abilities to both Robyn and his followers, such as jumping huge distances etc. Is this the nucleus upon which was grown a crystal so large and brilliantly coloured that we have lost the original seed, that literary inspiration? Is Robert III Butler of Skelbrooke that seed? He was living at the epicentre for the setting of the earliest ballad and was associated with a large network of criminal accomplices who may have been but the tip of the iceberg. It would be interesting to hear the views of a criminologist on this one. Roger de Laci - the Patron of Minstrels - a Conduit for Minstrelsy. We now turn to what at first seems unrelated but bears direct relationships to Barnsdale and minstrelsy at the time of Roger de Laci. Ranulf de Blundeville, the earl of Chester took a force of men from the town of Chester and entered Wales. However, during their tour they found themselves outnumbered by the Welsh and decided to make haste to the safety of their nearest castle at Rhuddlan or 'Rothelan' [Rhuddlan- 4km S. of Rhyl, North Wales 40 km west of Chester]. Whilst under siege, Ranulf sent word to his constable at Chester, Roger de Laci, Lord of Pontefract to come to their assistance. Roger had recently [1205] been released from King Philip of France for a ransom of 1000 marks after his defiant, almost year long stand against overwhelming forces at Castle Galliard. Roger set forth across the River Dee with mostly minstrels, thieves and vagabonds who were attending the Chester Fair that had originally given priviledges to these people "That they should not be apprehended for theft, or any other offence during the time of the fair, unless the crime was committed therein." Roger raised the seige more by bluff than substance, for when the besiegers perceived the large host descending upon them with Roger's purple lion rampant banner at their head, they dispersed, thinking it was a large trained army approaching. As a reward Ranulf earl of Chester [he who is probably mentioned in Piers Plowman] conferred upon Roger and all his heirs the control and patronage of all the minstrels [as well as fiddlers, shoemakers and vagrants] in the county of Cheshire. This ostensibly gave rise to the exclamation "Roger, and by all the fiddlers of Chester!". Roger then transferred this patronageof the minstrels to Hugh Dutton, his seneschal [chief steward] of Halton Castle [Dutton lies 5 km S.E, of Halton Castle]. This eventually led to the Dutton family taxing by licence, the musicians in the county which was carried out in the Dutton Court at Chester on the feast day of Saint John the Baptist, this jurisdiction continuing in the Dutton family until 1756 :
If we now move this scenario to the other side of England, to the De Laci lands in the honour of Pontefract, we can envisage Roger de Laci's seneschals at Pontefract and perhaps Roger himself, patronising minstrels and fiddlers in order that they entertain them. Not only was the chief steward responsible for the food and wine, but also, with the supervision of Lady de Laci, the organisation of periodic entertainment, a social secretary of sorts.9 There can be little difficulty in visuallising Lady Matilda de Laci, [a lady of the great House of Clare formerly living at Tonbridge Castle, Kent], bringing the enjoyment of the minstrels to Pontefract Castle from Halton Castle where she would have often resided.. We should not be surprised if this cultural cross-pollination occurred between Cheshire and Yorkshire. It would not be drawing a long bow to expect that this influence of minstrelsy, through direct contact of Roger with the minstrels of Chester Fair, would find its way to Burghwallis and Skelbrooke after 1205 where both manor houses were held by two consecutive seneschals of Pontefract. The minstrels would also have been brought to Burghwallis and Skelbrooke manors in Barnsdale where at least one of them seemingly absorbed the local stories of the 1180's and 1190's. This tradition would have been passed down the Le Waleys* and Butler lines for a number of generations, for contacts with fiddlers and minstrel bands, once made, would be maintained by demand, regular patronage and word of mouth. *St. Helen's Church, Burghwallis, may always have had a minstrel gallery. Like Ranulf de Blundeville, Roger's de Laci's overlord, Roger had a major change of policy towards Prince John following his accession in 1199. From being his unrivalled enemy, and probably therefore an enemy of Ralph III Murdac, sheriff of the adjoining county, Nottinghamshire, he became after 1199, not quite a supplicant but a strong supporter of King John par excellence. He was the only baron in practice, to totally support John in his desire to retake his French possessions, evidenced by Roger's heroic but unsuccessful stand at Castle Galliard. This would suggest that Roger's liegemen would have had to follow suite even though their lands had likely been ransacked along with De Laci's lands at Donnington near Nottingham about 1193 under Prince John's orders, the year before Roger came of age. If an earlier hero had been sheltered up to now by either Roger or his liegemen, Robert Le Waleys of Burghwallis, and/or the Butler family of Skelbrooke, he would now have to depart for Sherwood. Richard's general pardon of 1189 for all felons in England had long since expired, good will had run out. Hugh Pincerna of Skelbrooke operated under the aegis of John II de Laci from 1211 to 1216. It is easy to see that Robyn could have been sheltered or at least tolerated, particularly if the Butlers and Le Waleys were operating collusively with cutthroats and robbers. We can envisage perhaps Robin being employed as a huntsman in Burgh [Wallis] or Skelbrooke Park for the respective families with or without Roger or his son's knowledge or agreement*. Indeed verse 115 of the Geste mentions that Robin is residing in a [hunting] lodge when he sends Little John and Much [later, Midge] the Miller's son up to Saylis [Sales Wood, above the Skell valley and Skelbrooke]. *Roger seems to have been extremely confined to matters in Halton, Chester, Donnington, Nottingham, Wales, Normandy and Ireland, it must have left little time for his Pontefract concerns which he probably left in the hands of his seneschals. They brought hym to the lodge door, Whan Robyn hym gan see, Full curtesly dyd of his hode And sette hym on his knee. It is difficult to imagine that Robert could have worked his 'trade' in such close quarters to the two manors of Skelbrooke and Burgh [Wallis] without some connivance of the local landowners, even as heirs of the landowners. Indeed, Professor J.C. Holt notes, 'Extremely common for example, was the use of armed ambush as an instrument in local vendettas and disputes between landlords and their other tenants'.8 We might add no less between these landlords and the wealthy travellers, particularly the clergy. Landlords could endow themselves with some of the spoils of the highway robber, which would have supplemented their incomes and would have been particularly tempting stradddled as their lands were, across this part of the richly travelled great road north, their behaviour little different to the Cornish ship-wreckers. Indeed after Roger's de Laci's death in 1211, Robert Le Waleys had to produce a large sum of money which had apparently been detained from the sheriff's county profits.6 He and Roger de Laci had only declared half the profits made, Robert was obviously not averse to plundering even King John's income stream. The original composer of the Geste narrative knew the locality of the Burgh [Wallis] and Skelbrooke environs well enough to include salient topographic features and human settlement patterns, but nowhere are Skelbrooke and Burgh mentioned, just the generalisation 'Barnsdale' which seems vague enough to deflect any identification and targeting of local families involved. The question which arises here is was Robert Butler of Skelbrooke the inspiration, rather than the candidate for a medieval narrative based upon some associations with this family?
The seal of St. Mary Magdalena of
Lund, Monk
Bretton
Priory.
An author for the Geste
There is a reasonable speculation
that one of the Waleys of Burghwallis
and Newton Wallis was the author of the
Geste. It is proposed that [Sir]
Richard II Le Waleys of Burghwallis [first
baron Waleys d. >1336 who married
Eleanor, Robert Bruce's* widow i.e. King Robert
Bruce's step mother] wrote at least the some of the
fyttes of the Geste Later, Richard II Le Waleys son,
Stephen II Le Waleys is considered to have added or compiled the Geste
with the later fyttes concerning the prioress and Sir Roger de Doncastre
being added by his son-in-law, Sir Robert de Swillington, steward to John
of Gaunt at Pontefract Castle. The undying belief in
the goodness of 'Robyn Hode' and his fidelity
can really only be borne out of a personal knowledge
of a person who modelled for the ballad hero. The first
fytte is at great pains to repeat that Robyn was 'a good
outlaw'. That Robert Butler was a church clerk would
also offer some support for the Geste's
insistence that Robyn was dedicated to Mary Magdalene.
The Magdalene name appears as the dedication in Campsall
Church and the priory at Monk Bretton near Barnsley.
The author seems to have borrowed the name from one
or the other location. Thus what is proposed here is that the
Geste in its early stages underwent
an evolutionary process as the 'Robin Hood' tales still
undergo today. As prof. J.C. Holt has noted, later fyttes seem
to be grafted on. Evolution allows for survival. As with
the living world, organisms that do not evolve or change
to suit their surroundings become extinct. The stories
of Robin Hood survived because they constantly changed
or were added to, new adaptations produced an entirely
different beast to the original concept.The Waleys family also held Newton Wallis [Waleis] from 1159, a property with a moated manor house lying beside the water meadows of the left bank of the River Calder downstream from Castleford. The Waleys family had to travel between their two estates and to do this they passed from Newton Wallis by either of two routes : 1. Along Newton Lane towards where it connected with the Roman road, sometimes called Roman Ridge, between York and Doncaster. This Roman road has been given various names along its length. From Doncaster it was Roman Ridge, today, York Road, towards Barnsdale Bar, the Great North Road, from Barnsdale Bar it has been called Watling Street, today, Doncaster Road. From East Hardwick to the Aire meander it is Pontefract Road and then Lock Lane, a more modern name following the canalisation of the Aire. North beyond this point it becomes, anomalously, Barnsdale Road and continues with this name today as far north as the Allerton Bywater turnoff, beyond which it becomes Ridge Road. What is significant here is that it appears that the Waleys family were naming the road to their southern estate after the location of their Newton Wallis estate. This indicates that the family referred to their second estate in Burghwallis as 'Barnsdale', the very name which appears in the Geste. 2. A later route developed as a substantial highway after the late 1200's or early 1300's through Fairburn and Ferrybridge. As its name implies, Ferrybridge had been an early ferrying point downstream from the lowest fording point at Castleford. About the turn of the 13th century , the Waleys family could have taken the shorter and faster route by bridge across the Aire at Ferrybridge. The route would then follow this newly improved road through what is now Wentbridge, and which was probably only just developing as a hostelry/staging point, then on to Burghwallis in Barnsdale. The successor to the Waleys estates at the turn of the thirteenth century was none other than Sir Stephen I Le Waleys, cousin to Robert III Butler. Ritson, in his Robin Hood makes a note regarding Leland's mention of Barnsdale [Itinerary, V.101] " Along on the left honde, III miles of betwixt Milburne and Feribridge, i saw the woodd and most famous forest of Barnsdale, wher thay say that Robyn Hudde lyvid like an outlaw." Now there is no place known by the name of Milburne but looking on John Speed's map of 1612 we see Milforth which today is the same place as [South] Milford. It is possible that Leland travelling from Milforth to Fairburn has conflated the two names as Milburne. This then would make the wood referred to as "Barnsdale" an area on both sides of the A162 just north of Brotherton. Here, today, there is a place called "The Dales" and the area is still well wooded. This was where Newton Lane from Newton Wallis met the road to Ferrybridge and would have been one of the routes for the Le Waleys to take south.. By the mid 1800's the area north of Brotherton had been extensively quarried for limestone, changing its sylvan character. Thus, hearsay was providing more 'factoids' with which the Elizabethans were muddying the waters. .
Site of Newton Wallis 'Abbey'[Fr: ab-bé, a house surrounded by water]. It became known as such because it was a fortified manor house lying within the backwaters of the river Calder. .
1850's map of Newton Wallis 'Abbey' Sir Stephen I was born ~1245 and died at Newton Wallis [Waleis] sometime before 1301. He was thus familiar with route1. to 'Barnsdale' and was just becoming familiar with the new route 2. when his life was cut short. Sir Stephen's son Richard II Le Waleys would have been far more familiar with route 2. than his father for he died about thirty years after his father. If Sir Richard II did amplify and add to the Geste then he could well have added references to Wentbridge. Sir Richard II Le Waleys had shown his alliance to Thomas earl of Lancaster by his involvement in the Banastre Rebellion in 1315, and later fell foul of Edward when in 1320 he supported Thomas Earl of Lancaster against the King. John Bellamy suggests that King Edward II may have visited the nearby Campsall manor from the 5th to the 6th of November 1322 when Campsall was forfeited to the crown by Thomas earl of Lancaster.7, p80 If this is so then Edward may have also called in at Burghwallis, passing along the Great North Road, turning off at Skelbrooke for Burghwallis and Campsall. It was here at this turning that fairs with troubadours would gather for local festivities. We could perhaps envision the local populace merry-making at this junction with the procession of the king along the highway and local by-ways. Thus for a while, Richard II Waleys lost Burghwallis, his precious 'Barnsdale' from 1322. But at the accession of Edward III [1327] under Isabella and Mortimer he had the 2000 mark fine imposed by Edward II cancelled. Certainly as a possible compiler of the Geste he could have added the veneration of King Edward [his regal reality being King Edward III] as the 'comely king' at this point. Was it here that Richard II Waleys eventually regained his 'Barnsdale'- Burghwallis from the King, a pardon in 'Barnsdale', not Sherwood, written into the Geste as Robyn Hode?
Burghwallis from the air. A = Burghwallis Hall B = St. Helen's Church which contains a minstrel gallery. It has been noted by others that the latter part of the Geste seems to be a later addition. Stephen II Le Waleys' son-in-law, Sir Robert de Swillington, steward to John of Gaunt at Pontefract Castle is the man with local knowledge at the right time to complete this. Robin's visits to Nottingham, Little John's stouch with the sheriff's butler and the death of Robin at the hands of the prioress of Kirklees are fyttes more concerned with places other than Barnsdale. The connection of the Waleys [Wallaces] to the Scots may explain why the Scottish also widely celebrated the ballads of Robyn Hode. Stephen II was probably born about 1305 at Burghwallis and died 1347. This date will be familiar with Robin Hood researchers as the date given by Hunter and others for the death of Robin Hood. But was it the death year of the author/compiler of the Geste? Did Sir Stephen II Le Waleys [highly speculative], the suspected author/compiler of the Geste, not Robyn Hode, die in 1347? As we will see Stephen II had the opportunity to gain considerable material for the Geste from his wife's family as well as his own.It might also be noted here that Richard I Le Waleys father, Robert is recorded as dying in 1247, this too will be recognised as an alternative death date for 'Robin hood' as offered by the Scottish chronicler, John Major but is likely to be nothing more than a coincidence. As mentioned above, Richard Le Tyas was known to have held lands in Burghwallis and Skellow in 1284 and 1319. His caput however was at Lede [Lead] near Saxton only 6 miles north of Newton Wallis, the Waleys and Tyas families would have undoubtably been well known to each other. As touched on above, in 1327 Edward III as a king in his nonage, under the influence of Isabella and Mortimer, had a fine of 2000 marks cancelled against Stephen II's father, Sir Richard II, which had been imposed by Edward II for Sir Richard's involvement with Thomas the earl of Lancaster. Does this too explain the lauding of 'Edward our comly king' in the Geste ? Certainly Edward III was much more popular than his father. In July 1306 Edward I granted a third of the manor at farm in Hatfield Broad Oak priory to Eleanor le Waleys* but in 1307, the year of his accession, Edward II granted the manor to Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex. [Calendar Close Rolls, 1307–13, pp. 386-387.] However, Humphrey was one of the baronial leaders who fought against Edward II and lost his life at Boroughbridge in 1322. After this his lands were forfeited and not regained by his son John until 1326. In the next reign, according to a writ issued at Wells on the 25th December 1331, the dower lands of Eleanor, Sir Richard's wife at Writtle and Hatfield Regis, Essex were given to John de Bohun son of Humprey the earl of Hereford who had died at Boroughbridge. [Calendar Fine Rolls, 1327-1337, p.292.] This writ of 1331 indicates that Sir Richard and Eleanor were possibly out of favour with the king and that Edward III now saw fit for these lands to pass back into into the de Bohun family. * Eleanor had previously been the wife of Robert Bruce, father of King Robert Bruce, she was thus King Robert Bruce's stepmother.. In the time of Stephen I Waleys,1288, it was recorded that "his ancestors were seised from the time of King John of lands at Sibthorpe in Nottinghamshire". This would be lands granted to Robert Walensis, the seneschal of Pontefract and one time tandem sheriff of Yorkshire with Roger 'Helle' de Laci. The position of these lands to the east of Nottingham, the Fosse Way and Sherwood may explain why Nottingham was introduced into the Geste. Sir Stephen was, it seems, also familiar with this part of the medieval world. We find some eight miles SSW of Sibthorpe a village called Cropwell Butler. This manorial affix suggests that the Butler's of Skelbrooke also held lands east of Nottingham in the same area as the Waleys family. Six miles to the SE of Cropwell Butler lies Clipston where the king's of England had a hunting lodge within the forest of Sherwwod from at least the reign of King John *Clipston lies near the Fosse Way sometimes also called 'Watling Strete' between Leicester and Lincoln six miles to the south-east of Nottingham. In 1330 Edward [later III] attacked his mother, Isabella and her lover, Roger de Mortimer whilst in their chambers at Nottingham Castle, when Edward seized power and took the throne for himself. Following this coup, Edward met with his supporters in the castle .We do know that later, in December 1345, Edward III did hunt at Clipston, his favourite residence in Nottinghamshire and that he took Sibthorpe Chapel under his special protection. If the compiler for the seventh fytte which mentions the meeting of Robyn with our 'comly king' was aware of this he may have replaced King Richard with Edward III. Local east Nottinghamshire folk tales would have circulated about meeting King Richard in Sherwood and thus this scene made an appearance in the Geste, but with King Edward III taking the place of King Richard. Edward III [r.1327-1377] was the king reigning in the latter half of Sir Stephen's life when we have suggested, from other relationships, that the Geste was first compiled. We are left with the thought that the Geste may have been substantially written by Sir Stephen II Le Waleys in memory of his predecessors childhood friend and cousin, Robert Butler of Skelbrooke and as we will see at least three other persons being an inspiration for the ballad. The sceptic's evidence would lead us to think that the meeting of Robin Hood in Sherwood Forest never occurred and was but a romanticised folkloric invention which later came to be associated with the title of earl of Huntingdon through associations of the tale with persons who held that title. Cropwell Butler, meaning 'Rounded hill', between the Vale of Belvoir and Nottingham, is named after a peaked or copped hill south of the village. In the Domesday Book it is recorded as Crophille [1086] and by 1265 Croppill Boteiller, the manorial addition is from the possession by the Butler family from the 1100's [A.D. Mills.]. A mile south of Cropwell Butler is strangely, Cropwell Bishop or Bishopcroppehill mentioned in 1280, the manorial affix is from the possession by the Archbishop of York! [A.D. Mills].Crophill Bishop being amongst the manors of the Archbishop of York, later given to Southwell Church and Lenton priory, raises the the possibility of a seed of antipathy between the two manors that would have developed from the 'pressing' of Robert Butler under orders from the Archbishop of York. It is possible that the Archbishop gained the manor from the Butlers as compensation for church losses after Robert Butler's death. Sir Richard at the Lee The first and second fyttes of the Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode concern the knight who, we are later told, is Sir Richard at the Lee.Various authors have tried to identify this ballad character with a real person. If we follow J.C. Holt's assurance that the Geste was essentially based upon intense geographic localisation, then we should not cast too far afield for a candidate or an inspiration. There are eight fyttes in the Geste, the fifth fytte reintroduces Sir Richard who provides shelter for Robyn and his men at his castle 'doubleditched about'. This is mirrored in a parrallel and real local occurence which occurred in 1272. Sir Richard Foliot at this time held Fenwick manor, which is a little to the east of 'Barnsdale'. Here a number of roguish rebels, namely Roger Godberd, Walter Ewyas and John D'Eyvile were pursued by the sheriff of Yorkshire's men to Sir Richard's castle at Fenwick. Foliot gave them shelter but was forced to surrender and gave his son [probably Jordan II Foliot] with assurances, that he would 'give himself up as a prisoner at York on an agreed date' [Bellamy p.33]. This, J.C. Holt notes, is similar to the goings on in fyttes five and six. But there is little to recommend this correlation until we realise that in real life Richard Foliot had a second residence, Jordan Castle near Grimston and Wellow, Nottinghamshire which Henry III permitted to be crenellated in 1264. Today, Grimston is marked on maps only as "Grimston Hill", east of Wellow. In Nottinghamshire Sir Richard was known as 'Lord of Grimston and Wellow' J.C. Holt sees it as significant that the Foliots who held Fenwick, [Walden] Stubbs and Norton [Went Valley], before the Hastings family, had these other holdings on the eastern margin of Sherwood Forest thus linking Sherwood with Barnsdale. By about 1320 the heiress of Fenwick, Margery Foliot, had married Sir Hugh Hastings, son of the Scottish Competitor. Thus if the author for this part of the Geste were writing in or after this time he would be intimating the Foliot residence at Grimston. Thus the Foliots married into the Hastings and thereby Fenwick came into the hands of Sir Hugh Hastings d.1347. Sir Hugh was the son of one of the thirteen Competitors for the Scottish Crown, John I Hastings, who the great-great grandson of Ada Ceann mhor de Huntingdon, third and youngest daughter of Earl David de Huntingdon. In the Geste it seems that the author here has transposed the activities at Fenwick to somewhere nearer Nottingham, perhaps Jordan Castle. Jordan Castle was rebuilt in stone in the 1200's and it is likely that an earlier wooden castle was sited here with a motte and bailey. The manor castle is now ploughed under and little remains but there is likely to have been this small motte and bailey castle on the hill above Wellow. What we find at Wellow is another 'ditch' which was erected by the residents around the village. A very unusual structure for a civil settlement in the Middle Ages. This may suggest a double ditched arrangement if Jordan Castle also possessed a moat. An embankment and ditch running through the present day village called George Dyke was erected by the villagers for protection. The bank and dyke at Wellow were built sometime after 1145-7 when the monks of the Cistercian Rievaulx Abbey in Yorkshire purchased the land for Rufforth Abbey nearby, whereafter the people so displaced established Wellow. For this reason Wellow does not appear in the Domesday Book. As a result of the land aquisitions the monks of Rufforth Abbey became unpopular with the villagers, somewhat reminiscent of the Geste's "These bisshoppes and these archebishoppes, Ye shall them bete and bynde". The likelihood remains that the two dykes or ditches, one at the castle and one at the village represent the 'double ditch' of Sir Richard's castle in the Geste. There is a large difference between the two scenarios in terms of outcome. The Geste version has Robyn, and Sir Richard seeing off the Sheriff of Nottingham whilst the Fenwick conflict has Sir Richard Foliot and his 'guests' having to surrender to the Sheriff of Yorkshire [Roger de Estraneus]. In terms of literary borrowing there is no difference.
In reality
Sir Richard II Foliot held lands at
Cowesby [N. Yorks.] and as a tenant of the
Delaci family, Fenwick, Yorkshire [Holt p.98]
and Grimston, Nottinghamshire. In 1252
a Robert Foliot [a relative] et. al. was a witness
to a charter for John de Savile in Kirk Smeaton
and for rent at Skelbrooke. In 1268 Henry III granted
him a charter to hold a fair at Wellow [Wellhaugh].
Henry III also granted him a coat of arms: "de goulz ung
bend d'argent" [Roll of Arms Henry III] i.e. Gules a bend
argent. Sir Richard was a patron to St. Peter's Church,
Kirk Smeaton 1238-9, 1270-71 and 1289. By 1272 it was obvious that by sheltering Godberd, Ewyas and D'eyvile, supporters of the rebel Earl of Leicester, Simon de Montfort, that Sir Richard had changed his allegiance. One other challenge the Geste has provided is that of the whereabouts of Sir Richard's lands, described as 'Verysdale'. If we can accept that Jordan castle near Wellow, was the scene for Sir Richard's Castle and the repulsion of the sheriff, then it might well be the phonetic, Wellhaughsdale [Wellowsdale] a name that would be used by the monks of nearby Rufford Abbey, as the nuns of Hampole called Barnsdale or the monks of Fountains Abbey called Fountainsdale. Independently, Jeffrey Stafford in an unpublished work has found a reference to a 'Ferresdale' in the Rufford Charters vol. 3 which he suggests is a phonetic variant of the 'Verysdale' in the Geste. Jeffrey includes the statement that this is found on the western bounds of Boughton, on the main road from Blyth to Nottingham and about a mile to the N.W. of Jordan's Castle. see Jeff Stafford's notes at : http://midgleywebpages.com/jeff_staff.pdf
In 1535, just
before the reformation,
the religious building at
Skelbrooke was listed as a 'chapel'.
In 1336 Skelbrooke Chapel
on the north side of the church,
then dedicated to St. John the Evangelist,
had a chantry built. A window
on the south side portrays a man's face
from the mid 1300's perhaps constructed
well after the death of Robert Butler
and shortly after the murder, in 1333,
of Edmund Butler*. The window thus appears
in the time of Edmund's widow Agnes of Skelbrooke manor who is
recorded as founding the chantry. Is this a
representation of the 'Green man' or the earliest
representation of Robin Hood's face,
set within a circlet surrounded by a swathe
of greenwood leaves imitating St. John the
Evangelist? *court case presided
over by by Henry de Percy and John de Eland.
Sir John de Eland was sheriff of Yorkshire in
1341 and steward of the Warrene estates
in the manor of Wakefield but was himself
murdered during the 'Elland Feud'
at
Brookfoot. In 1332 social glue was stretched and smeared in this part of the world when 'contrariants' escaped from Edward II's forces at Boroughbridge and entered the Barnsdale area. Prior to the 'pestilence' in 1346 the 'Battle of Neville's Cross had been fought and won by he English army under the control of Henry III's wife Phillipa of Hainault, lives were lost no doubt many from the North leading to disruption in society. Between 1347 and 1352 and particularly in England in 1348 and 1349, there was a serious loss of life from the bubonic plague, no less in the Barnsdale area. The orignal real person behind the Geste was lost, links were broken, families and society in general were disrupted, at least one local plague pit has been found. This lies in an area near the church of Mary Magdalene, Campsall. Local tradition says Robin married 'Maid Marion' in this church at Campsall. Of course no such person as Marion appears in the Geste, she appears to be a much later graft to the tales of Robin Hood, but we note that Robert III Butler [Robert Le Botiller] was married to Constance and that their likely place of marriage would have been at the family chapel of Skelbrooke or the larger Campsall Church. If we can envisage the Geste being read in the household of the Wallaces of Burgh [Wallis] and the Butlers of Skelbrooke Hall during the 1300's [by which time Wentbridge and Edward II could be rolled into the narrative] then we are probably on the route to understanding the origins of the tales of Robin Hood which appeared in print by the middle of the 1400's. Sources/References: 1. Baildon, W. P. Notes on the Early Saville Pedigree and the Butlers of Skellbrook and Kirk Sandal. Yorks. Arch. J. vol. 29, (1929) HTML version by Chris Phillips additional notes by Dr. David Hepworth 2. Ellis A.S. Domesday Tenants Yorks. Arch. Journal, vol. v, p. 309; Pontefract Chartulary (Record Series, vol. 25) 3. Dobson R.B. & Taylor J. Rhymes of Robin Hood. University Pittsburgh Press.1976. 4. Harris P.V. The Truth About Robin Hood. Linneys. Mansfield.1952. 5. Rolle, Richard. The Pricke of Conscience (Stimulus Conscientiae), A. Asher & Co., Berlin.1863. 6. Gladwin, Irene. The Sheriff. Gollancz, London, 1974.p.108 7. Bellamy, John. Robin Hood an Historical Enquiry. Indiana Press, Bloomington.1985. 8. Holt J.C. Robin Hood. Thames & Hudson, London.1982. 9. Ibid. p.108 10. Listen to a modern English folk balladeer-supremo-Richard Thompson. 11. Whiting C.E. Rev. Prof., Excavations at Hampole Priory, 1937,Vol XXXIV part 2, Part 134 Yorkshire Arch. Journ. MCMXXIV, pp. 204-212. 12. Chambers, E.K. English Literature at the close of the Middle Ages. O.U.P. 1945. 13. The National Archives Currency Converter. 15. http://home.infionline.net/~ddisse/pastons.html 16. Hobsbawm, E.J. Bandits.Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969, ch III. 17. Roberts, Ian. Pontefract Castle. West Yorks. Arch. Soc. 1990. p13. 18. http://midgleywebpages.com/jeff_staff.pdf Rufford Charters Vol 3. spelling given as Feresdale and Ferysdale. 19. 2000 Years of York : The Archaeological Story. York Archaeological Trust. Thornton & Pearson. 1999. 20. Phillips, D. and Heywood, B., Excavations at York Minster 1 : From Roman Fortress to Norman Cathedral. HMSO, London. 1995. 21. Harte, Jeremy. The Greenman. Pitkin Guide. Jarrold Publishing, 2005. 22. Butler, Lawrence. Sandal Castle Wakefield. Wakefield Historical Publications,1991, p.24. 23. Close Roll, 7 Edw. III, part 1, m 6d. 24. C.P.R. Edward III,1327-1330, p. 432. 25. Yorkshire Feet of Fines, 1327-1347, p. 74. 'HISTORY IS A SET OF LIES AGREED UPON' - NAPOLEON BONAPARTE email comments © Copyright Tim Midgley 2006, revised 4th May 2012. The use of, or linking to any of this material requires permission |
|||||||||||